by Brandon James Smith
Conservatives and libertarians must rediscover the things that bind them together. A return to Frank Meyer’s philosophy of “fusionism” could provide a roadmap to unity.
American conservatism is at a crossroads. Yet it is not a question of principles or ideology, as The New York Times editorial board suggests. There is no great need to abandon social issues, or strong national defense, or a defense of the market, or whatever other policies the self-described experts suggest will be the magic cure. American conservatism is, at its core, the fusion of various pro-freedom philosophies speaking in one voice against those who desire a centralized and uniform society.
Conservatism—a term I use here to describe the broader conservative-libertarian movement—has answers to some of the most serious questions facing the United States. Yet the various branches of conservatism are much less willing to unite with one another against the rising progressive movement than they have been in the past. Now, perhaps more than ever, conservatives of all stripes must recommit to a broad alliance or risk losing the battle on all fronts.
In the past, the various factions of conservatism were united in their opposition to the Soviet Union and the rise of communism. The end of the Cold War, brought about by conservative ideas, revealed the fissures among libertarians, traditional Burkeans, the Christian right, and foreign policy hawks. The various factions roughly divide among those who value virtue and tradition and those who value liberty as the primary value or goal. Admittedly, there are many who value both liberty and virtue. Nevertheless, the liberty and virtue paradigm serves as a useful tool in addressing the core differences among conservatives.
Virtue-based American conservatism, like many things worth keeping, has its political roots in the work of an eighteenth century Irishman. Edmund Burke, the father of modern traditional conservatism, boldly rejected the Enlightenment-inspired hubris of those seeking to create heaven on earth. Famous for his strong criticism of the excesses of the French Revolution, Burke never laid out a set of premises or a unified theory of political structure. Rather, his legacy is built on a humble attitude that embraces the complexity of human society and fosters a distrust of those offering perfection of the imperfectible. Thus, Burke emphasized the value of tradition and virtue, the combined knowledge and practices of our ancestors. Because humanity’s political wisdom has evolved over the centuries, Burke noted, tradition can serve us well as we seek to craft just systems of government.
It is this understanding of the limits of human nature and human institutions that causes even modern conservatives to reject the progressive vision of American life. Progressives seek to perfect and centralize a uniform society. To a progressive, such as Woodrow Wilson, humans are mere functionaries whose behavior can be controlled, influenced, predicted, and managed.
By contrast, liberty primarily concerns itself with the ability of individuals to act, uncoerced, as they see fit. Liberty—economic, religious, and political—was the reason so many came to this continent in the first place. Liberty, as the classical liberals approach it, is well described by F.A. Hayek, who defined liberty as freedom from coercion or “the state in which each can use his own knowledge for his own purposes.” Property rights are central to this conception of liberty, as they provide a tangible means of preserving the ability to act free from coercion. There is much more that can be and has been said on the topic of liberty. Suffice it to say that the concept of valuing liberty as the most important political goal seems to be at odds with the views of those who value virtue and tradition above all else.
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