The Implications of Extending Marriage Benefits to Same-Sex Couples
by Gerard V. Bradley, John Finnis and Daniel Philpott
It is morally indefensible for Catholic institutions to recognize and incentivize same-sex marriages by extending marriage benefits to employees who declare themselves legally married to a person of the same sex.
Many Catholic institutions use marriage to define some of the benefits they make available to their employees. Now that civil marriage is legally available to same-sex couples in most states, and perhaps soon in all, these Catholic institutions all face the question: may we, or indeed should we, extend marriage benefits to same-sex couples who contract such a civil marriage?
The University of Notre Dame and many other Catholic institutions have given their answer, loud and clear: we may, we should, and we are doing so right now.
It is a morally indefensible answer. And the bad consequences of persisting in it will surely be far-reaching and very damaging. The whole Church, and everyone concerned for the future of our country and the children who are or will be growing up in it, has an important interest in the answer that Catholic institutions are giving.
This is the first time in our civilization that the civil power is endorsing and promoting—not just tolerating or accepting and regulating—an immoral, anti-marital kind of sexual choice. John Paul II and Joseph Ratzinger signaled the significance of this huge shift in 2003, before it had begun to be adopted or imposed widely. They identified the right response without ambiguity. The Synod in October 2014 quoted from that 2003 response, calling it “Church teaching: ‘There are absolutely no grounds for considering homosexual unions to be in any way similar or even remotely analogous to God’s plan for marriage and family.’”
The 2003 document goes on to answer the practical question what to do about this. We have boldfaced the part that speaks to the present, acute phase of the crisis:
Many Catholic institutions use marriage to define some of the benefits they make available to their employees. Now that civil marriage is legally available to same-sex couples in most states, and perhaps soon in all, these Catholic institutions all face the question: may we, or indeed should we, extend marriage benefits to same-sex couples who contract such a civil marriage?
The University of Notre Dame and many other Catholic institutions have given their answer, loud and clear: we may, we should, and we are doing so right now.
It is a morally indefensible answer. And the bad consequences of persisting in it will surely be far-reaching and very damaging. The whole Church, and everyone concerned for the future of our country and the children who are or will be growing up in it, has an important interest in the answer that Catholic institutions are giving.
This is the first time in our civilization that the civil power is endorsing and promoting—not just tolerating or accepting and regulating—an immoral, anti-marital kind of sexual choice. John Paul II and Joseph Ratzinger signaled the significance of this huge shift in 2003, before it had begun to be adopted or imposed widely. They identified the right response without ambiguity. The Synod in October 2014 quoted from that 2003 response, calling it “Church teaching: ‘There are absolutely no grounds for considering homosexual unions to be in any way similar or even remotely analogous to God’s plan for marriage and family.’”
The 2003 document goes on to answer the practical question what to do about this. We have boldfaced the part that speaks to the present, acute phase of the crisis:
Where the government’s policy is de facto tolerance and there is no explicit legal recognition of homosexual unions, it is necessary to distinguish carefully the various aspects of the problem. Moral conscience requires that, in every occasion, Christians give witness to the whole moral truth, which is contradicted both by approval of homosexual acts and unjust discrimination against homosexual persons. Therefore, discreet and prudent actions can be effective; these might involve: asking the way in which such tolerance might be exploited or used in the service of ideology; stating clearly the immoral nature of these unions; reminding the government of the need to contain the phenomenon within certain limits so as to safeguard public morality and, above all, to avoid exposing young people to erroneous ideas about sexuality and marriage that would deprive them of their necessary defenses and contribute to the spread of the phenomenon. Those who would move from tolerance to the legitimization of specific rights for cohabiting homosexual persons need to be reminded that the approval or legalization of evil is something far different from the toleration of evil.
In those situations where homosexual unions have been legally recognized or have been given the legal status and rights belonging to marriage, clear and emphatic opposition is a duty. One must refrain from any kind of formal cooperation in the enactment or application of such gravely unjust laws and, as far as possible, from material cooperation on the level of their application. In this area, everyone can exercise the right to conscientious objection.What are the implications of “legitimization of specific rights for cohabiting homosexual persons,” such as the provision to them of benefits available to married employees if they declare to the employer that they are legally married?
Our reflections on that question will throughout assume the present state of the law in most if not all states: that there is no legal compulsion or obligation which would force Catholic institutions to extend the benefits, or none that binds any employer that can point to a religious or other conscience-based exemption or accommodation.
......................
......................
No hay comentarios:
Publicar un comentario